Amy Vreeland
PSCI 4783
November 7, 2005
Small States: the Caribbean and Central
America
CARIBBEAN INTEGRATION (Grenade & Hinds):
- Background
- 1958-1962: First integration
started by British to decrease impacts of decolonialization
- 1968: Caribbean Free Trade Area (CARIFTA)
- 1973: Caribbean Community (CARICOM): for economic
integration through a common market, functional cooperation, and foreign
policy cooperation
- Allowed for
greater influence in international arena; increased collective bargaining
power
- Because of Cold
War and 1970s economic crisis: ideological conflict and economic declineà decreases emphasis on
regionalization because domestic economic concerns are priority.
- Since 1980s:
minimal intra-regional trade
- Legacies of
colonialism: monoculture economies, similar production across the Caribbean, economic dependency on colonial states.
- Institutions: Intra-governmental
decision making; community of sovereign states
- There are many
councils and a CARICOM Secretariat, however national government are still
the primary decision making body.
- Why regionalize:
- “Smallness is
powerlessness”
- Risk of economic
marginalization with expansion of global economy.
- Increases
bargaining power and economic development.
- Non-traditional
security threats: illicit drug trade, HIV/AIDS.
- Problems:
- Tension between
need to create greater integration within the framework of a community of
sovereign states. Lacking the
political, legal, and institutional mechanisms to make deeper integration
possible. (Grenade)
- “An indigenous path
to development through regional integration” (Grenade)
- Grenade: Focus on
the regional institutional problems: such as the democratic deficit in
CARICOM decision making; a powerful representative parliament needed and not
instituted.
- Hinds: Domestic politics
key to understanding regional integration
1)
Refusal of states to pool sovereignty or is it a refusal to
surrender power?”
2)
“Westminster
winner-take-all system”: polarized political parties “along racial and tribal
lines”: authoritarian politicians not representative of the general people:
focus on short-term partisan political power rather than long-term development
goals like integration
3)
Integration proposals are tied to domestic partisan politics
(ie. Caribbean Court of Justice becomes a “political football” and fails to
gain widespread support.
4)
Internal Integration needed before regional integration can
occur: shared values, belief in national government before support for regional
governance.
5)
Opposition parties need to be included in regional agreement;
joint delegations.
- Hind’s Solution: “Move
in the direction of power sharing based on shared democratic governance
to compliment the evolving power sharing at the regional level.”
CENTRAL AMERICAN
INTEGRATION
(Sanchez):
- Background:
- Prior to 1990s: integrationist
tradition in the region based primarily around security concerns during
Cold War era.
- Esquipulas peace process
(1986-1990) “Re-launch of regionalism”: move towards greater political
and ideological cohesion in post-Cold War era, allowed for increased
political and economic cooperation
- Reform of Central
American Common Market (CACM) and establishment of System of Central
American Integration (SICA) in 1991
- Neo-liberal
reforms; increased convergence of economies of region. Coordination of
macroeconomic policies through PAECA (Central American Economic Action
Plan) in 1990à extraordinary recovery in intra-regional trade
(integration is successful).
- ‘Official
integration’: neo-liberal regionalism focused on trade, foreign
investment, and external integration; lacks social dimension some states
wanted
- Institutionally
structured to ensure governments’ control of integration:
Inter-governmental
- Efforts to “deepen”
integration: prevented by changes in domestic leadership, domestic
agendas, bureaucratic competition, border conflicts
- Why reinstitute regionalism:
- Not for “regional
cohesiveness or community building” but “integration into world economy”
- Fear of economic
marginalization from world economy.
Regionalization as a method of reforming domestic economies to
prepare for world economy
- “Two aims of new regionalism:” 1) preferential
access to external markets (esp. US and EU),
attract FDI, new technologies and reconstruction aid. 2) Increase the
comparative advantage of the region
- ‘Reactive regionalism’: because these
are small and peripheral states cannot regionalize strategically, lack
structural power and reciprocity (Response to Nafta)
- “Sub-optimal size
of states in terms of territory, population, financial and natural
resources.”
- Problems:
- Varying degrees
of development and democracy within states: from strong to weak economies
and democratic systems (ie. Costa Rica:
most democratic and most developed of Central
America, unsure if its advantageous to regionalize—does not
support deepening of integration)
- Unwilling to
transfer sovereignty to regional institutions
- Shifting
government preferences; domestic politics
- Disagreement on
the degree of integration that is necessary
- External
integration undermines regional integration with bilateral/multilateral
trade agreements (Cafta?)
- Variable geometry: different speeds and different
levels of commitment of regionalization
Small States in the broader
context of overall theories and trends of integration:
-
Regionalization is a reaction to fears of economic
marginalization in the global economy
-
Regionalization as step towards globalization
-
The link between domestic politics and successful regional
integration: Internal integration as a prerequisite for regional integration.
Discussion Questions:
-
How important is the legacy of colonialism in determining the
success of regionalism in the Caribbean? For example, politically, in terms of
retaining sovereignty and power and/ or economically with the endurance of
monocrop and dependent production?
-
Is regionalization a good step towards globalization for small
states?
-
What would a Central American or Caribbean
“indigenous path” towards regional integration look like?